About this episode
Andrew Doyle is a writer, broadcaster, and comedian. He is the author of several books, including his most recent, “The End of Woke: How the Culture War Went Too Far and What to Expect from the Counter-Revolution.”www.andrewdoyle.org Perplexity: Download the app or ask Perplexity anything at https://pplx.ai/rogan. Go to https://1800flowers.com/rogan to get your Double Blooms offer, buy one dozen, they’ll double it to two dozen roses free This video is sponsored by BetterHelp. Visit https://BetterHelp.com/JRE Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Episode summary
Drew, great to see you, brother. Wild that it’s been almost six years since February 2020, right before everything went sideways with COVID, Trump drama, and that summer when the streets blew up.
Yeah, and in that whiplash you wrote a book about it: The End of Woke. I’m arguing woke was just the latest form of an old authoritarian impulse wearing the costume of kindness, and the pendulum can swing from left to right if we’re not vigilant.
It came in as compassion and inclusion, then turned into speech policing and chaos, even people saying the First Amendment’s not a priority because feelings come first.
That’s the linguistic trick. Equity sounds like equality but means unequal treatment by group; inclusivity often meant excluding dissenters; and “gender‑affirming care” masked ideological medicalization, especially of vulnerable people.
When an idea can’t hold up to scrutiny, the enforcement gets louder and meaner. That’s human nature: if you can’t win with logic, you try to win with fear.
Some countries protect against that impulse better than others. The UK’s failing on free speech where America, thanks to the First Amendment, still has real guardrails.
You can get away with crazy stuff in the UK because you don’t have our speech protections; more than twelve thousand people arrested in a year over posts that aren’t threats so much as opinions.
Our laws criminalize the vaguely defined “grossly offensive” and even “causing needless anxiety.” That’s how an army vet got cuffed for retweeting a satirical meme, and another guy did eight weeks in prison over three memes.
In the US, we use the Brandenburg test for incitement. You need intent, likelihood, and imminence; offense alone doesn’t cut it.
Exactly, and because the UK lacks that threshold, a woman who angrily tweeted and then deleted a bad take about burning hotels got thirty one months, served over a year. The state acts like words automatically cause violence, which collapses personal responsibility.
It’s on each of us to control our actions. The only time speech really tilts the scale is when leaders signal violence will be excused.
Which brings us to the BBC deceptively editing a Trump speech to imply the opposite of what he said. The broadcaster’s been ideologically captured, even letting an internal desk veto critical stories, and the director general resigned amid the fallout.
These narratives stick even after fact checks. Same playbook with the Steele dossier and turning bookkeeping into felonies just to label someone a felon, which sets a terrible precedent.
Both sides now prioritize convenience over truth. And when the state broadcaster forgets its duty to balance, public trust craters and bad claims about anyone, from Trump to J.K. Rowling, spread unchecked.
Weaponizing the courts or media for short‑term wins burns everything down. Without podcasts and independent voices, we’d still be stuck in old narratives.
And now politicians go after X for letting people speak, while community notes expose spin in real time, which they hate. Raids and threats get dressed up as child‑safety actions, but the motive looks like control.
We just saw a rumor about Macron’s wife explode online. There’s a quick fix for any claim like that: evidence. Otherwise you’re fueling conspiracies.
Same with the new book claiming Shakespeare was a black woman. I taught Shakespeare, and the arguments are fantasy dressed up as scholarship, often rooted in snobbery that a non‑aristocrat could not have written genius.
People love connecting dots like the Laurel Canyon CIA web. Some of it’s fun, but a lot is broad leaps; pareidolia for culture, like seeing a goat’s head in the King’s red portrait if you flip and mirror enough.
That Lookout Mountain facility had studios and vaults, which fits government film use, but proximity to musicians isn’t proof of a covert rock program.
There are real ops like MK Ultra and the Manson chaos detailed in Tom O’Neill’s work, and then there are claims like Hendrix as a CIA creation that collapse if you just listen to the music.
Post‑COVID distrust turbocharged this. Experts called lab‑leak talk racist, then backpedaled. Skepticism is healthy; leaping to evidence‑free conclusions isn’t.
Most people aren’t set up for slow, careful analysis, especially if they’re medicated or dug into identity, so they slap labels on dissent and move on.
I get accused of taking dark money; it’s easier to assume corruption than accept honest disagreement. Better to debate the ideas and let audiences decide.
How can you create under threat of arrest? Graham Linehan gets nabbed after tweets. That’s not a climate for comedy or risk‑taking.
That’s why I set up shop in the US. Even my satire character Titania McGrath gets mistaken for real by serious people, which shows how close parody and dogma now sit.
I’ve seen big names share Titania’s posts like they’re sincere. That’s how plausible the absurd has become.
You feel the same tilt in AI. Chatbots hid a real UK case because it might be sensitive, while Grok translated explicit Latin without moralizing and Gemini rewrote history with diverse Nazis and Vikings.
Recasting can be fun when it’s intentional art, but pretending hyper‑real period pieces were diverse when they weren’t breaks the spell and turns story into sermon.
When shows insist a female‑presenting actor is a man and no one on screen notices, you eject the viewer. Forced narratives can breed the backlash we’re now seeing in polls on gay rights, which is tragic because gender ideology often erases same‑sex reality.
And in practice it crushes women’s boundaries. You get rulings that force female spaces open to men who identify as women, and anyone who objects gets sued into silence.
We’re also seeing detransition lawsuits from kids rushed into life‑altering procedures, and clinics like Tavistock funneling predominantly same‑sex‑attracted teens into medical pathways. The humane path is honest therapy, not instant affirmation.
In the UK, a lot of comics bite their tongue or get dropped, no matter what people claim; friends have lost gigs over complaints, like Leo Kearse having a tour date pulled after activists pressured a venue.
It’s here too; Michael Rappaport had shows canceled in Austin for being pro‑Israel, and somehow that got twisted into calling him racist.
Quick correction on that Helen of Troy rumor: it looks like social media spun it up off flimsy sourcing, even a niche site bubbled to the top, and people ran with it.
That’s why I triple‑check now; even big outlets get it wrong, and if you rework a myth like Helen of Troy beyond recognition, you break the story’s meaning—interpretation is fine, but gutting the core isn’t.
Troy turned out to be real, and the Cyclops myth likely came from people finding elephant skulls and mistaking the trunk cavity for a single eye; once you see the bones, it clicks.
Elephants are gentle when treated well, but I’m not a fan of riding or small enclosures; if we keep animals, give them huge, natural spaces and let people enter their world, not the other way around.
I felt that in an Arizona zoo—watching a jaguar pacing was bleak—and while elephants are bright and bond with you, hippos are just dangerous; captivity for wild animals sits wrong with me.
You can befriend some species, but big cats and chimps can turn, and if AI takes over cities, we might end up like protected wildlife; more likely we’ll merge with tech via something like Neuralink and get faultless, searchable memory.
There’s even a site where bots supposedly hire humans to do tasks they can’t, plus AI chat rooms and on‑chain bets people are gaming for clout; could be legit, could be viral theater, so salt everything.
The betting angle is very real; the UFC just pulled a fight after odd money surged late, and the FBI stepped in because there was a previous injury‑fix scheme where teammates cashed out.
That ties to prediction markets too; if “privileged” users know about strikes or raids ahead of time, they can quietly skim, and that’s been a plotline in life and films forever.
Fighters throw rounds when the payday dwarfs their purse, and folks forget fighting is a creative craft—feints, traps, patterns—like poetry in motion when someone great is flowing.
At Berkeley, we sat onstage having a normal panel while outside it looked like a riot—smoke, fences hit, a guy beaten for a T‑shirt—two realities with no shared picture of what was happening.
A chunk of that chaos is coordinated and financed through NGOs and email ops; they seed ideology on campus, astroturf “organic” protests, and weaponize the narrative to destabilize.
The KGB called it ideological subversion: you demoralize a country by educating a generation in your worldview until facts don’t land and people can’t reason; once that mindset sets, it’s hard to reverse without raising a new cohort with common sense and civic values.
He nails the mood, but I’m not sure it was all planted agents; ideology spreads because it’s fashionable and offers ready‑made answers, which is how you get contradictions like queers for Palestine.
The internet cuts both ways—it spews nonsense but also bypasses captured media and campuses; that’s why technocrats push speech controls and creepy ideas like “pre‑bunking,” which sounds straight out of a dystopia.
Europe leans hard into that; the unelected Commission drives laws and sells “pre‑bunking” to justify censorship, and in the UK we’ve layered on an online safety regime, floating jury‑less trials, and a speech case that only ended well because a jury was there.
Most Americans don’t track UK news, but they do see arrests over posts; sadly it often takes real pain before people demand a reset.
The grooming‑gangs scandal showed how fear of the “racist” label let thousands of kids be failed, and even a Manchester bombing guard hesitated to act because he didn’t want that tag; smears like racist or fascist freeze debate by design.
A lot of people back Trump because he’s a break from that machinery; the media fixates on ICE shootings while ignoring border incentives, busing to swing states, and the fraud probes that ramped up, along with improvements in the economy and fewer foreign entanglements.
We don’t have that release valve; both main UK parties embraced the same dogma—Conservatives even pushed gender policies—so Reform looks like the first real crack in the system, and Farage could actually win.
Young Americans swinging conservative feels like an internet effect—rebellion flipped sides because the establishment runs one ideology and targets young men.
It’s beyond left‑right now; our leaders have said wild things about biology, censorship keeps tightening, and unless a new party guts the activist bureaucracy—the College of Policing, speech cops, all of it—the apparatus just keeps grinding.
It feels less like clumsy compassion and more like a playbook: stir disorder, demand new rules, then consolidate control.
I get that, and I’ve seen officials gloss over real harms, like what followed the Cologne attacks, but I’m wary of the jump to a single, coordinated cabal running everything; why would people wreck the very system that enriches them?
Some profit from turmoil, and smart, amoral actors can game markets; voters still back it because tribal branding is strong, while many in the middle are socially liberal but lean conservative on money.
My hope is reality’s hard edges force a course correction before too much breaks.
I worry freedoms get stripped on the way and rarely return; look at Australia’s gun clampdown and how quickly harsh pandemic measures followed.
Now they’re pushing a sweeping hate speech law that punishes words that could theoretically incite hatred, with serious prison time.
Instead of stopping violent offenders, they blame speech and turn dissent into a crime.
We did a similar dance in the UK: after David Amess was murdered, the response was to target online speech, and after those girls were killed in a dance class, the idea was to police knife sales rather than tackle radicalization; SPEAKER_06 points out most homes already have knives.
That’s the pattern—normalize chaos, gaslight the public, then ratchet restrictions until people are exhausted.
People are starting to see through it; Reform keeps rising despite the smears, and SPEAKER_06 notes the internet gives dissent a voice, while moves like postponing local votes, flirting with curbing juries, and policing speech make the mask slip.
Take Hammett Koskin, who set his own Quran alight outside the Turkish Embassy as a protest against Erdogan; he was attacked, then prosecuted for supposedly provoking violence, and only after a legal fight was that overturned.
Now prosecutors want it reinstated, edging toward a de facto blasphemy code, and even a schoolboy who scuffed a Quran got flagged; we must defend the right to critique and protest, and I think public patience is almost spent.
I hope we haven’t waited too long, and before we go, Andrew’s book The End of Woke is out and he recorded the audiobook; thank you for coming, and I’m glad you’re safe here, even if it’s insane that people have to flee.
Exactly—keep America steady, because I still need this place.